Who's Running South Africa?

Have you ever heard of the South African Institute of International Affairs? They have been running South Africa for nearly 100 years.

During the first two thirds of the nineteenth century the interest of European states in overseas expansion reached its lowest ebb in several centuries. This period of relative disinterest did not lastout the century. Suddenly, and almost simultaneously, between 1870 and 1900, the states of Europe began to extend their control over vast areas of the world. Historians generally agree that the late nineteenth-century European expansion was one of the great events of world history.

Conspicuously absent from the history books is mention of a small secret society of men who played a significant role in the sponsorship of the historical events. This secret society would conquer South Africa. They would use the money they had plundered, and techniques and methods learned, to grow into a world-wide organization that continues to shape world history to this day. Between 1910-1915 this Secret Society evolved into an international group of co-conspirators called Round Table Groups set up in seven nations: Britain, South Africa, Canada, New Zealand, Australia, India, and the United States.

The American and British branches of the Secret Society were formally established at a meeting held at the Hotel Majestic on 30 May 1919. The men who attended the meeting were British and American Secret Society members who were members of the British and American delegations to the Paris Peace Conference. The meeting resulted in the establishment of the Institute of International Affairs.The British Branch became the Royal Institute of International Affairs, and the American branch became the Council on Foreign Relations. Branches in other nations are usually called (British, Canadian, New Zealand, Australian, South African, Indian and Netherlands) Institutes of International Affairs, or (Japanese, Chinese, and Russian) Institutes of Pacific Relations. The branch organizations have headquarters and membership lists.

Membership is by invitation only. There are less than 3000 members in any one nation and less than 60 thousand members world-wide, yet the members of the organization control between one-half and three-quarters of the worlds industrial and financial assets. They occupy top positions in the various branches of government. They control the news agencies and television networks. They head the largest law firms, direct the largest private foundations, are presidents of the most prestigious universities, and hold top commands in the military. They determine the destiny of their nations, and other nations throughout the world.

John Dewey, the philosopher and educator, provides a good description of the type of men who belong to the Council on Foreign Relations, the Royal Institute of International Affairs, and their branch organizations in other nations:

"Meantime there are certain "practical" men who combine thought and habit and who are effectual. Their thought is about their own advantage; and their habits correspond. They dominate the actual situation. They encourage routine in others, and they also subsidize such thought and learning as are kept remote from affairs. This they call sustaining the standard of the ideal. Subjection they praise as team-spirit, loyalty, devotion, obedience, industry, law-and-order. But they temper respect for law — by which they mean the order of the existing status — on the part of others with most skillful and thoughtful manipulation of it in behalf of their own ends. While they denounce as subversive anarchy signs of independent thought, of thinking for themselves, on the part of others least such thought disturb the conditions by which they profit, they think quite literally for themselves, that is, of themselves. This is the eternal game of the practical men. Hence it is only by accident that the separate and endowed "thought" of professional thinkers leaks out into action and affects custom." [1]

This small group of men unlawfully and knowingly combine, conspire, and agree to contribute to the establishment of one world order under the total direction, and the control of members of their group. That is totalitarianism on a global scale.

While many of the members of the organization make front page news, and are historical figures in their own time, the organization itself, is conspicuously absent from the history books and the news. Even in the nations in which branch organizations are established, less than one person in 1000 has ever heard of the group. This is no accident.

The group influences public opinion through well planned and co-ordinated psycho-political operations. They undermine people's confidence in their beliefs, their strength, their leaders and themselves The group paralyzes the will of a nation by spreading confusion, alternating excessive hope and excessive fear, and exploiting and adding fuel to every prejudice. The group destroy 's a peoples belief in their nation, the traditional family, and God. The group creates false reality world's for people to live in so people will not act in their own best interest, but to further the aims of the group. When you are living in a world where you cannot control your own actions you are living in a state of controlled insanity.

The group doesn't desire freedom or peace, they desire war, slavery, and control. The group was responsible for World War I, World War II, Korea, Vietnam, and the unrest and constant warfare in the Middle east. By creating tension and hate between different groups of people, the secret-society creates a state of perpetual warfare within nations and between nations all over the world. These exercises in mass murder are created to maximize profits of member controlled medicine, munitions, media, energy and food industries.

The psycho-political operations are covert. They are planned and executed to conceal the identity of, and permit plausible denial by the sponsor. They differ from clandestine operations in that emphasis is placed on concealment of identity of sponsor rather than on concealment of the operation. The group operates under the Chatham House Rule. The Chatham House Rule is published on the Royal Institute of International Affairs website :


When a meeting, or part thereof, is held under the Chatham House Rule. participants are free to use the information received, but neither the identity nor the affiliation of the speaker(s), nor that of any other participant, may be revealed; nor may it be mentioned that the information was received at a meeting of the Institute.

In 1992 the application of the Rule was clarified and its wording strengthened as follows:-

Meetings of the Institute may be held 'on the record' or under the Chatham House Rule.

In the latter case, in accordance with the Chatham House tradition, it may be agreed with the speaker(s) that it would be conducive to free discussion that a given meeting or part thereof, should be strictly private and thus held under the Chatham House Rule.

Today the Rule is used by organizations and gatherings throughout the world.

Cecil Rhodes was born in 1853 and was the secret-societies' founding father. Rhodes' life ambition was "the furtherance of the British Empire, the bringing of the whole uncivilized world under its rule, the recovery of the United States of America, and the making of the Anglo-Saxon race into one Empire."  [2] "Expansion is everything," said Rhodes, "The world is nearly all parceled out, and what there is left of it is being divided up, conquered, and colonized. To think of these stars that you see overhead at night, those vast worlds which we can never reach. I would annex the planets if I could; I often think of that.[3]Rhodes would become fabulously wealthy by conquering South Africa and exploiting its diamond and gold fields.

Racism would be the Rhodes' secret-societies legacy to mankind. Because of Rhodes' secret society, mankind developed a new vocabulary of racism that would include the words apartheid, genocide, holocaust, and ethnic cleansing. Before the time of Rhodes' secret society there was one race — the human race. "The Inequality of the Races — A pioneering study of the science of human races," by Count Arthur de Gobineau (1816-1882), gave a pseudo-biological foundation to modern racist theories, which spread in the latter 19th century along with Social Darwinism, based upon the belief that societies are and should be organized as a struggle for survival of the fittest. De Gobineau's work was dedicated to his majesty George V. King of England. [4]

Justification for the Imperialistic conquest of South Africa was the ideology of "the white man's burden" immortalized by Lord Rudyard Kipling. By the middle of the 1890's Rhodes South African holdings provided him with a personal income of a million pounds sterling a year ( about five million dollars). Rhodes was the founding father of the secret-society, Kipling was one of its earliest members, the use of a racist rational to justify and gain support for the imperialist expansion into South Africa was one of the secret-society's earliest psycho-political operations.

In February of 1891, Cecil Rhodes met with William T. Stead and Reginald Baliol Brett. Stead was a famous British journalist of the day. Brett, a friend and confidant of Queen Victoria and influential advisor of King George V. The three would draw up a plan for a secret society. By 1910 the Secret Society of Cecil Rhodes would achieve the Union of South Africa. The billions upon billions of dollars derived from South African gold and diamonds would be used to fund the secret society's work. That work would be to repeat on a global scale what it had just accomplished in South Africa.

These groups can only be stopped by exposing the role they play in the psycho-political operations they plan and sponsor, and showing people how they are being manipulated and exploited. One way to learn about these groups is to study material published by organization members and insiders.

Walter Lippmann was a famous journalist, member of America's first intelligence organization the INQUIRY, attended the Paris Peace Conference after World War I, and was a founding father of the secret-society's American Branch — the Council on Foreign Relations. Lippmann clearly explained the way the secret society works. Central to Lippmann's strategy of achieving government and international relations policy aims were large scale psycho-political operations aimed at the masses. The early work of Lippmann, and another leading pioneer in the field of psychological warfare, Harold Lasswell, were funded by the Rockefeller Foundation. Not coincidentally the government's national security campaigns usually overlapped the commercial ambitions of Council on Foreign Relations and Institute of International Affairs controlled industries. The Carnegie Corporation and Ford Foundation were principal secondary sources of large-scale communication research funding, operating in close coordination with government propaganda and intelligence programs.

The INQUIRY was America's first Central Intelligence Agency. Supreme Court Justice Felix Frankfurter, and Woodrow Wilson's close political advisor and friend, Edward Mandel House, suggested the idea to Wilson. House became the INQUIRY's first director, Lippmann was House's first recruit. The existence of the INQUIRY is such a well kept secret, that to this day hardly any Americans have heard of the INQUIRY or are aware that it ever existed. Wilson paid for the INQUIRY from the President's Fund for National Safety and Defense. He directed that it not be housed in Washington. A remote room in the New York Public Library was its first office. Later it moved to offices in the American Geographical Society at West 155th Street and Broadway. James T. Shotwell, a Columbia University historian and an early recruit came up with the agency name the INQUIRY, which, he said, would be a "blind to the general public, but would serve to identify it among the initiated." [5] Shotwell probably chose the name because the word History is derived from the a Greek word meaning "a learning by inquiry." Ironically the INQUIRY would use psychological warfare techniques to warp history by stressing favorable and unfavorable truths and leaving out facts completely to shape public opinion to support INQUIRY goals.

The INQUIRY and its members wrote most of Woodrow Wilson's 14 points. Many of the members of the INQUIRY and the US State department delegates at the Paris Peace Conference belonged to the American branch of the Rhodes' secret society. At the Paris Peace conference they would trade-off most of the 14 points to establish the League of Nations. After the conference they would attend the meeting at the Hotel Majestic and become the founding fathers of the Council on Foreign Relations. Woodrow Wilson caught on to the betrayal and was so upset that he suffered a stroke and refused to speak to Edward Mandel House ever again. The American people didn't want to belong to an organization that could force them to go to war and would be turned into an international police force. America would never join the League of Nations.

The British were informed of the work of the INQUIRY through Sir William Wiseman. Wiseman reported to Lord Robert Cecil of the Foreign Office. Lord Robert Cecil was a member of the British branch of Rhodes' secret-society. Lord Robert Cecil was a member of Parliament (1906-1923); Parliamentary Under Secretary for Foreign Affairs (1915-1916); Assistant Secretary for Foreign Affairs (1916-1918); Lord Privy Seal (1923-1924); and Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster (1924-1927). Lord Robert Cecil was one of the original drafters of the Covenant of the League of Nations and was the Englishman most closely associated in the public mind with the work of the League. For this work he received the Nobel Prize in 1937.[6]

In explaining his role, Wiseman said, "It is, as you know, my chief duty here to keep in closest touch with House and this organization of his." Wiseman urged the British foreign Secretary to allow him to convey intelligence collected by the British Foreign Office to Edward House. "It must be clear to you," he told Balfour's secretary, "that when in New York I occupy practically the position of political secretary to House. I think he shows me everything he gets, and together we discuss every question that arises." With Balfour's consent Wiseman placed his own personal representative with the British Foreign Office's Political Intelligence Department to keep him informed of the work of the British peace planners. Wiseman influenced the work of the INQUIRY. Wiseman presented the British case for retaining Germany's African colonies after the war to the INQUIRY'S specialist on African colonial affairs, George L. Beer.[7]

George L. Beer was a member of the Rhodes' secret-society's inner circle. The secret-society would use Beer to establish a mandate system for the territories taken from enemy powers as a result of the First World War. In the Anglo-American Establishment, Carroll Quigley writes that the mandate:

     " ...was first suggested by George Louis Beer in a report submitted to the United States Government on 1 January 1918, and by Lionel Curtis in an article called "Windows of Freedom" in The Round Table for December 1918. Beer was a member of the Round Table Group from about 1912 and was, in fact, the first member who was not a British subject. That Beer was a member of the Group was revealed in the obituary published in The Round Table for September 1920. The Group's attention was first attracted to Beer by a series of Anglophile studies on the British Empire in the eighteenth century which he published in the period after 1893. A Germanophobe as well as an Anglophile, he intended by writing, if we are to believe The Round Table, "to counteract the falsehoods about British Colonial policy to be found in the manuals used in American primary schools." When the Round Table Group, about 1911, began to study the causes of the American Revolution, they wrote to Beer, and thus began a close and sympathetic relationship. He wrote the reports on the United States in The Round Table for many years, and his influence is clearly evident in Curtis' "The Commonwealth of Nations". He gave a hint of the existence of the Milner Group [Rhodes' secret-society] in an article which he wrote for the Political Science Quarterly of June 1915 on Milner. He said: "He stands forth as the intellectual leader of the most progressive school of imperial thought throughout the Empire." Beer was one of the chief supporters of American intervention in the war against Germany in the period 1914-1917; he was the chief expert on colonial questions on Colonel House's "Inquiry," which was studying plans for the peace settlements; and he was the American expert on colonial questions at the Peace Conference in Paris. The Milner Group was able to have him named head of the Mandate Department of the League of Nations as soon as it was established. He was one of the originators of the Royal Institute of International Affairs in London and its American branch, The Council on Foreign Relations. With Lord Eustace Percy, he drew up the plan for the History of the Peace Conference which was carried out by Harold Temperley.

     Curtis's suggestion for a mandates system was published in The Round Table after discussions with Kerr and other members of the inner circle. It was read by Smuts before it was printed and was used by the latter as the basis for his memorandum published in December 1918 with the title The League of Nations: A Practical Suggestion. This embodied a constitution for the League of Nations in twenty-one articles. The first nine of these dealt with the question of mandates. The mandates article of the final Covenant of the League (Article 22) was drafted by Smuts and Kerr (according to Temperley) and was introduced by Smuts to the League Commission of the Peace Conference. The mandates themselves were granted under conditions drawn up by Lord Milner. Since it was felt that this should be done on an international basis, the Milner drafts were not accepted at once but were submitted to an international committee of five members meeting in London. On this committee Milner was chairman and sole British member and succeeded in having his drafts accepted.

     The execution of the terms of the mandates were under the supervision of a Permanent Mandates Commission of nine members (later ten). The British member of this commission was always of the Milner Group, as can be seen from the following list:

W. G. A. Ormsby-Gore, February 1921-July 1923
Lord Lugard, July 1923-July 1936
Lord Hailey, September 1936-March 1939
Lord Hankey, May 1939-September 1939
Lord Hailey, September 1939

     The origins and the supervision power of the mandates system were thus largely a result of the activities of the Milner Group. This applied to Palestine as well as the other mandates. Palestine, however, had a peculiar position among mandates because of the Balfour Declaration of 1917, which states that Britain would regard with favor the establishment of a national home for the Jews in Palestine. This declaration, which is always known as the Balfour Declaration, should rather be called "the Milner Declaration," since Milner was the actual draftsman and was, apparently, its chief supporter in the War Cabinet. This fact was not made public until 21 July 1937. At that time Ormsby-Gore, speaking for the government in Commons, said, "The draft as originally put up by Lord Balfour was not the final draft approved by the War Cabinet. The particular draft assented to by the War Cabinet and afterwards by the Allied Governments and by the United States . .. and finally embodied in the Mandate, happens to have been drafted by Lord Milner. The actual final draft had to be issued in the name of the Foreign Secretary, but the actual draftsman was Lord Milner." Milner had referred to this fact in a typically indirect and modest fashion in the House of Lords on 27 June 1923, when he said, "I was a party to the Balfour Declaration." In the War Cabinet, at the time, he received strong support from General Smuts.Once the mandate was set up, also in terms drafted by Milner, the Milner Group took little actual part in the administration of Palestine."[8]

The idea of establishing a national home for the Jews in Palestine would be the same idea as establishing a national home for blacks in Africa. (Were it not for the fact that these "Jews" had no historic link to Palestine, being Khazars from the Caucasus who originated in Mongolia).

Walter Lippmann was the INQUIRY's secretary. Lippmann became the INQUIRY's chief propaganda and intelligence specialist, and then its director. Lippmann shaped psychological strategy during the war. After the war Lippmann played a major role in the integration of psycho-political operations and psychological strategy into the social sciences in the field of communications research. Lippmann coined word Stereotype. Lippmann's major works are "PUBLIC OPINION" (1922), and "THE PHANTOM PUBLIC (1925)." Both works investigate the impact of mass communication on society. Both works are based on Lippmann's INQUIRY experiences.

The INQUIRY would appeal to prejudice and superstition in planning psycho-political operations. Roland Burrage Dixon was the INQUIRY ethnologist. Ethnology is the branch of comparative anthropology that studies the cultures of contemporary, or recent, societies or language groups. Dixon was interested in the concept of "race." In 1919 the concept of "race" was not well established. Dixon undertook a study to provide a scientific basis for the term. The result was published in 1923 as "THE RACIAL HISTORY OF MAN." Dixon's work attempts to classify the "races" of mankind on the basis of the shape of the skull. Dixon was an insatiable investigator. His field work included the studies of primitive peoples in Asia, Oceania, and North and South America. Did Dixon's studies include removing the skull from the body to make it easier to study? [9]

Wallace Notestein was a historian and educator. Notestein devoted his academic career to studying Elizabethan and Stuart England. His expertise was in the area of witchcraft. The American Historical Association published Notestein's doctoral dissertation, "A History of Witchcraft in England from 1558 to 1718" as a prize essay in 1911. Notestein demonstrated wide knowledge of this subject when he issued a volume of edited documents, Source Problems in English History, in 1915.[10]

Chapter I, of Lippmann's book, PUBLIC OPINION is titled "The World Outside and the Pictures in Our Heads." Lippmann, writes,

      "This then, will be the clue to our inquiry. We shall assume that what each man does is based not on direct and certain knowledge, but on pictures made by himself or given to him. If his atlas tells him that the world is flat he will not sail near what he believes to be the edge of our planet for fear of falling off. If his maps include a fountain of eternal youth, a Ponce de Leon will go in quest of it. If someone digs up yellow dirt that looks like gold, he will for a time act exactly as if he had found gold. The way in which the world is imagined determines at any particular moment what men will do. It does not determine what they will achieve. It determines their effort, their feelings, their hopes, not their accomplishments and results. The very men who most loudly proclaim their "materialism" and their contempt for "ideologues," the Marxian communists, place their entire hope on what? On the formulation by propaganda of a class-conscious group. But what is propaganda, if not the effort to alter the picture to which men respond, to substitute one social pattern for another? What is class consciousness but a way of realizing the world? National consciousness but another way? And Professor Giddings' consciousness of kind [i.e. stereotypes [11]], but a process of believing that we recognize among the multitude certain ones marked as our kind?"

Lippmann's conclusion is,

     "I argue that representative government, either in what is ordinarily called politics, or in industry, cannot be worked successfully, no matter what the basis of election, unless there is an independent, expert organization for making the unseen facts intelligible to those who have to make the decisions... My conclusion is that public opinions must be organized for the press if they are to be sound, not by the press as is the case today. This organization I conceive to be in the first instance the task of a political science that has won its proper place as formulator, in advance of real decision, instead of apologist, critic, or reporter after the decision has been made..."

Lippmann is advocating the creation of a totalitarian state. If one small group is permitted to control public opinion, that small group can use their power to benefit the aims of the group rather than the public at large. People's actions are strongly influenced by their knowledge base. People act on their beliefs. By corrupting a persons knowledge base you can manipulate their actions.

Lippmann presents a graphic view of what a society controlled by an "independent, expert organization" would become. It is presented as a preface to his book, contained in a quote from the Republic of Plato, Book Seven,

     "Behold! human beings living in a sort of underground den, which has a mouth open towards the light and reaching all across the den; they have been here from their childhood, and have their legs and necks chained so that they cannot move, and can only see before them; for the chains are arranged in such a manner as to prevent them from turning round their heads. At a distance above and behind them the light of a fire is blazing, and between the fire and the prisoners there is a raised way; and you will see, if you look, a low wall built along the way, like the screen which marionette players have before them, over which they show the puppets.

     I see, he said.

     And do you see, I said, men passing along the wall carrying vessels, which appear over the wall; also figures of men and animals, made of wood and stone and various materials; and some of the prisoners, as you would expect, are talking, and some of them are silent.

     This is a strange image, he said, and they are strange prisoners.

     Like ourselves, I replied; and they see only their own shadows, or the shadows of one another, which the fire throws on the opposite wall of the cave?

     True, he said: how could they see anything but the shadows if the were never allowed to move their heads?

     And of the objects which are being carried in like manner they would see only the shadows?

     Yes, he said.

     And if they were able to talk with one another, would they not suppose that they were naming what was actually before them?"

A society controlled by a "independent, expert organization," arranging chains of bondage from childhood by corrupting the society's knowledge base, and deciding what shadows to project on the wall, would be a society of prisoners that couldn't use their heads to act in their own best interest. They would become a society of slaves living in a realm of fear. The branch organizations of Rhodes' secret-society is the "independent, expert organization" Lippmann is advocating.

Carroll Quigley provides a good source of information regarding the group's historical role. Quigley was a professor of western civilization and history, who did his undergraduate and graduate work at Harvard, where he received a doctorate in 1938. He later taught at Princeton, Harvard, and finally, Georgetown's School of Foreign Service. He was a consultant for the Brookings Institution, the Defense Department, the State Department and the Navy. In 1962 the Center for Strategic and International Studies was established on the Georgetown campus, where it maintained close ties with the School of Foreign Service. CSIS included a number of people on its staff who had high-level CIA connections. The CSIS is controlled and staffed by Council on Foreign Relations members [see " The CFR & the Center for Strategic and International Studies"]. The Council on Foreign Relations is a branch of an international group of co-conspirators that has shaped world events for over 100 years.

One of Quigley's Georgetown students, William Jefferson Clinton, would become President of the United States. Toward the end of President Clinton's acceptance speech at the Democratic convention on July 16, 1992 Clinton said "as a teenager I heard John Kennedy's summons to citizenship. And then, as a student at Georgetown, I heard that call clarified by a professor named Carroll Quigley, who said to us that America was the greatest country in the history of the world because our people have always believed in two things: that tomorrow can be better than today and that every one of us has a personal, moral responsibility to make it so."[12] The Washington Times ran an item that tried to clear matters up. Professor Quigley, according to the Times, specialized in the history of a secret group of elite Anglo-Americans who had a decisive influence on world affairs during the first half of this century. Quigley, in other words, was a conspiracy theorist — but one who had an impeccable pedigree. Quigley came out and exposed the Eastern establishment plan for world government.[13]

Carroll Quigley's research concerned the role of the Rhodes-Milner Secret Societies in Britain from 1891 through World War II. His major work, Tragedy and Hope, first appeared in 1966, while Clinton was one of Quigley's students at Georgetown. It contains scattered references to Quigley's twenty years of research in this area:

       "I know of the operations of this network because I have studied it for twenty years and was permitted for two years, in the early 1960s, to examine its papers and secret records. I have no aversion to it or to most of its aims and have, for much of my life, been close to it and to many of its instruments. I have objected, both in the past and recently, to a few of its policies, but in general my chief difference of opinion is that it wishes to remain unknown, and I believe its role in history is significant enough to be known." [14]

People's actions are strongly influenced by their knowledge base. People act on their beliefs. You can manipulate a person's actions by corrupting their knowledge base, warping historical truth, or ignoring it completely. Knowledge can make for independence if it helps people meet their world more confidently and realistically. Those who have wanted others to remain dependent have always recognized this fact and have opposed the spread of knowledge.

Tragedy and Hope is a historical text of over 1,300 pages. It contains no footnotes but was written by a historian with excellent credentials. Despite his standing as a historian Quigley's history is missing the Council on Foreign Relation's role in numerous historical events including:

1. The part played by Council on Foreign Relations members in creating the first American central intelligence agency — The INQUIRY.

2. The history of the Council on Foreign Relations War and Peace Studies Group and how it lead to the Council taking control of the State Department of the United States.

3. How the Council on Foreign Relations created the Psychological Strategy Board, aka the Operations Coordinating Board, aka the Special group, and the role of this group in coordinating massive international psycho-political operations from the Truman administration on.

4. How Council on Foreign Relations Members George Kennan and Walter Lippmann worked on a psycho-political operation that would force the Marshall plan on unwilling Americans.

5. The significant role played by Council on Foreign Relations and Royal Institute of International Affairs members in establishing the United Nations at Dumbarton Oaks.

Quigley's book, Tragedy and Hope, appeared just when other people began to take a close look at the Council on Foreign Relations. Quigley's book was meant to steal their thunder, and provide intelligence organizations with a way to identify people interested in the subject. Don Bell featured Tragedy and Hope in one of this reports in 1966. Gary Allen began quoting it in The John Birch Society magazine American Opinion, in early 1969. Gary Allen and Larry Abraham published a best seller, None Dare Call It Conspiracy, that relied heavily on Quigley's book. W. Cleon Skousen, a former FBI agent published a book-length review of Quigley's Tragedy and Hope that was titled The Naked Capitalist in 1970. It quoted so heavily from Quigley's work that Quigley threatened to sue for copyright infringement. Just as Tragedy and Hope was becoming popular, Macmillan, the publishers, stopped printing the book and destroyed the plates. [15]

Quigley's detailed history of the Rhodes-Milner Secret Societies, "The Anglo-American Establishment," was written in 1949 and not published until 1981, four years after Quigley died. In "The ANGLO-AMERICAN ESTABLISHMENT" Quigley writes,

      "One Wintry Afternoon in February 1891, three men were engaged in earnest conversation in London. From that conversation were to flow consequences of the greatest importance to the British Empire and to the world as a whole. For these men were organizing a secret society that was, for more than fifty years, to be one of the most important forces in the formulation and execution of British imperial and foreign policy.

     The three men who were thus engaged were already well known in England. The leader was Cecil Rhodes, fabulously wealthy empire builder and the most important person in South Africa. The second was William T. Stead, the famous, and probably also the most sensational, journalist of the day. The third was Reginald Baliol Brett, later known as Lord Esher, friend and confidant of Queen Victoria, and later to be the most influential advisor of King Edward VII and King George V.

     The details of this important conversation will be examined later. At present we need only point out that the three drew up a plan of organization for their secret society and a list of original members. The plan for organization provided for an inner circle, to be known as "The Society of the Elect," and an outer circle, to be known as "The Association of Helpers." Within The Society of the Elect, the real power was to be exercised by the leader, and a "Junta of Three." The leader was to be Rhodes, and the Junta was to be Stead, Brett, and Alfred Milner. In accordance with this decision, Milner was added to the society by Stead shortly after the meeting we have described."[16]

Of the Secret Societies goals and methods of operation Quigley writes,

     "The goals which Rhodes and Milner sought and the methods by which they hoped to achieve them were so similar by 1902 that the two are almost indistinguishable. Both sought to unite the world, and above all the English-speaking world, in a federal structure around Britain. Both felt that this goal could best be achieved by a secret band of men united to one another by devotion to the common cause and by personal loyalty to one another. Both felt that this band should pursue its goal by secret political and economic influence behind the scenes and by the control of journalistic, educational, and propaganda agencies... "[17]

The group has been so successful in keeping their role in shaping world events a secret that even students of history and public affairs are unfamiliar with their accomplishments or the extent to which they control their nation. Quigley points out,

     "This organization has been able to conceal its existence quite successfully, and many of its most influential members, satisfied to possess the reality rather than the appearance of power, are unknown even to close students of British history. This is the more surprising when we learn that one of the chief methods by which this Group works has been through propaganda. It plotted the Jameson Raid of 1895; it caused the Boer War of 1899-1902; it set up and controls the Rhodes Trust; it created the Union of South Africa in 1906-1910; it established the South Arican periodical The State in 1908; it founded the British Empire periodical The Round Table in 1910, and this remains the mouthpiece of the Group; it has been the most powerful single influence in All Souls, Balliol, and New Colleges at Oxford for more than a generation; it has controlled The Times for more than fifty years, with the exception of the the three years 1919-1922; it publicized the idea of and the name "British Commonwealth of Nations" in the period 1908-1918; it was the chief influence in Lloyd George's war administration in 1917-1919 and dominated the British delegation to the Peace Conference of 1919; it had a great deal to do with the formation and management of the League of Nations and of the system of mandates; it founded the Royal Institute of International Affairs in 1919 and still controls it; it was one of the chief influences on British policy toward Ireland, Palestine, and India in the period 1917-1945; it was a very important influence on the policy of appeasement of Germany during the years 1920-1940; and it controlled and still controls, to a very considerable extent, the sources and writing of the history of British Imperial and Foreign Policy since the Boer War."[18]

The American Branch, the Council on Foreign Relations, has been the most powerful single influence in America, since its establishment in 1919, after the Paris Peace Conference. The Council on Foreign Relations runs the United States Department of State, the Central Intelligence Agency, and controls the Federal Reserve. The CFR has placed 100 Council members in every Presidential Administration since Woodrow Wilson. They work together to misinform and disinform the President to act in the best interest of the Council on Foreign Relations, not the best interest of the American People. At least five Presidents (Eisenhower, Ford, Carter, Bush, and Clinton) have been Council on Foreign Relations members. The Council on Foreign Relations has packed every Supreme court with Council on Foreign Relations insiders. Three CFR members (Stephen Breyer, Ruth Bader Ginsberg, and Sandra Day O'Connor) sit on the supreme court.

The 100 CFR members that surround the president are "the Secret Team." The "Secret Team" help carry out psycho-political operations scripted by CFR members in the State Department and the Intelligence Organizations. The psycho-political operations are coordinated by a group of Council on Foreign Relations members called the Special Group. The Special Group evolved from the Psychological Strategy Board. A list of Council on Foreign Relations members in President Clinton's "Secret Team" and "Special Group," can be found on the RoundTable website.

The South African Institute of International Affairs is a Council on Foreign Relations/Royal Institute of International Affairs branch organization. The SAIIA controls public opinion in South Africa just as the CFR controls public opinion in the USA. While the SAIIA has played a significant role in South African history, you will find mention of them conspicuously absent from South African history books. Any help you could be in supplying a list of South African Institute of International Affairs members and their leadership potion in South Africa for posting on the RoundTable website would be appreciated — my e-mail address is: roundtable@geocities.com.

The members of the Council on Foreign Relations, the Royal Institute of International affairs and their branch organizations throughout the world have been a driving force behind much of the racial tension and hatred throughout the world. It is time to investigate this organization, confront its members with their wrong-doings, and make them accept responsibility for their actions.

Below are three links to articles posted on the Round Table website. One of the articles connects the Council on Foreign Relations to an organization that worked on a psycho-political operation to prolong apartheid. People involved included United States Department of State Officials, United States Congressmen, and US Intelligence agents. One way the organization earned money was by conducting intelligence operations in South Africa. Henry Kissinger, George Shultz, and William Colby were three Council on Foreign Relations members connected to the organization. Did the Truth and Reconciliation investigate the Council on Foreign Relations/Royal Institute of International Affairs/South African Institute of International Affairs role in creating the racial tension, hatred and genocide in South Africa? If they did, what were their findings? If they did not, don't you think it is about time they did?

1) Front for Apartheid, Newsday, Sunday, July 16, 1995. The article was reported by Dele Olojede in South Africa and Timothy M. Phelps in Washington.The article concerns a Washington think-tank called the International Freedom Foundation that was actually a front bankrolled by South Africa's white rulers to prolong apartheid. The article doesn't mention the South African Institute of International Affairs, or the Council on Foreign Relations. The article has a picture of Secretary of State George Shultz shaking hands with Oliver Tambo, the late exiled leader of ANC, at the State Department in 1987. The article mentions that people like Henry Kissinger were invited to International Freedom Foundation seminars to deliver keynote speeches. Among those in attendance was former CIA director William Colby. Shultz, Kissinger and Colby were members of the Council on Foreign Relations. The article talks about Americans who were on the board of Directors of the IFF, and who worked for the IFF in South Africa. Nearly every man mentioned was a United States Intelligence agent at one time or another.

2) A Critique Of Imperialism, by Council on Foreign Relations member William L. Langer, first published in the Council on Foreign Relations magazine Foreign Affairs, XIV, October 1935. In his early career William Langer was a fellow at the Center for Advance Study in Behavioral Sciences at Stanford. In World War I Langer rose from private to sergeant, and participated in the St. Mihiel and Argonne engagements. Langer's first significant book was "The Diplomacy of Imperialism" (1935). Langer was a member of the Board of Analysts, Office of Coordinator of Information (1941-42), chief of OSS Research and Analysis Branch (1942-1945), special assistant for intelligence analysis to the Secretary of State (1946), and assistant director of the CIA (1950-52). After 1952 Langer served as a consultant to the CIA. In his presidential address to the American Historical Association (1957) Langer emphasized the need for deeper study and more extensive reference by historians to the teachings of modern psychology. William L. Langer was one of ten editorial sponsors of the American Edition of MEIN KAMPF (1939). His view was that Hitler's MEIN KAMPF was an extraordinary medley of amateur politics and amazing insights into international problems and possibilities, and that Hitler "showed reckless courage in realizing the German dreams, nightmarish as some of them were." [19]

3) Chapter 4, Milner's Kindergarten: 1897-1910, from Carroll Quigley's book The Anglo-American Establishment. The Chapter is about the Rhodes' secret-society members who were present in South Africa between the Boer War and the creation of the the union of South Africa (1897-1910), Roundtable

[1]Dewey, John, Human Nature and Conduct, 1922, reprinted by Southern Illinois University Press, 1983 pgs 49-50 <return>

[2]Marlowe, John Cecil Rhodes: The Anatomy of an Empire, London, 1972 pg 64 <return>

[3]Huberman, Leo, Man's Worldly Goods: The Story of the Wealth of Nations, New York, 1936 pgs 268-269 <return>

[4]The World Almanac and Book of Facts 1994, pg. 513 <return>

[5]George J.A. O'Toole, Honorable Treachery, A History of US Intelligence, Espionage, and Covert Action from the American Revolution to the CIA, A Morgan Entrekin Book The Atlantic Monthly Press, New York (1991) pg 303 <return>

[6]George J.A. O'Toole, Honorable Treachery, A History of US Intelligence, Espionage, and Covert Action from the American Revolution to the CIA, A Morgan Entrekin Book The Atlantic Monthly Press, New York (1991) pg 305; Quigley, Carroll (1910-1977), The Anglo-American Establishment, From Rhodes to Cliveden, 1981, Books In Focus, NY, NY pg.16-17 <return>

[7]George J.A. O'Toole, Honorable Treachery, A History of US Intelligence, Espionage, and Covert Action from the American Revolution to the CIA, A Morgan Entrekin Book The Atlantic Monthly Press, New York (1991) pg 305-306 <return>

[8]Quigley, Carroll (1910-1977), The Anglo-American Establishment, From Rhodes to Cliveden, 1981, Books In Focus, NY, NY pg. 168-169; Chapter nine footnote 5 "On this whole section see "George Louis Beer" in The Round Table (September 1920) X, 933-9335; G.L. Beer, African Questions at the Peace Conference (New York 1923), 424-425; H.D. Hall, Mandates, Dependencies, and Trusteeship (Washington 1948); US State Department, Fore Relations of the United States, Paris Peace Conference 1919, VI 727-729. That Kerr wrote Article 22 is revealed in H.V. Temperley, History of the Peace Conference, VI, 501. That Curtis wrote 'Windows of Freedom" and showed it to Smuts before he wrote his memorandum was revealed by Curtis in a private communication to Professor Quincy Wright, according to Q. Wright, Mandates under the League of Nations (Chicago, 1930), 22-23, note 53a. <return>

[9]Dictionary of American Biography, Volume IX, Supplement One, Edited by Harris E. Starr, Supplement Two, Edited by Robert Livingston Schuyler, Edward T. James, Associate, Charles Scribner's Sons, NY pg 252; Dixon, Roland B., The Racial History of Man, Charles Scribner's Sons, NY published March 1923 <return>

[10]Dictionary of American Biography, Supplement Eight 1966-1970, Edited by John A. Garraty and Mark C. Carnes, Charles Scribner's Sons, NY, Collier Macmillan Publishers, London pgs 472-473; George J.A. O'Toole, Honorable Treachery, A History of US Intelligence, Espionage, and Covert Action from the American Revolution to the CIA, A Morgan Entrekin Book The Atlantic Monthly Press, New York (1991) pg 303; Ronald Steel, Walter Lippmann and the American Century, Boston: Little Brown, 1980 p. 127. <return>

[11]Walter Lippmann coined the term stereotype. In his book Psychopathology and Politics, Viking Press, New York 1960, Harold D. Lasswell, writes, "The perceptual rigidity of ego systems helps to explain the lack of realism so often found at the intelligence phase of a decision process. The complex slots that have been worked out for perceiving "Chinese," "upper-class families," "machine-tool interests." or "outgoing personalities," for instance, influence the way that a reporter sees a happening and the sings that he chooses in order to evoke a comprehending symbol in an audience. Stereotypes, as Walter Lippmann felicitously named them years ago, are standardized modes of enlightenment which typically are regarded as damaged if new experiences fail to fall into pattern. The response to contradiction may take the form not of revision but of reiteration, accompanied by the diverting of attention from the source of unwelcome images." pgs 314-315 <return>

[12]Brandt, Daniel, Clinton, Quigley, and Conspiracy: What's going on here?, From NameBase NewsLine, No. 1, April-June 1993, http://radiobergen.org/powergame/clinton.html <return>

[13]Brandt, Daniel, Clinton, Quigley, and Conspiracy: What's going on here?, From NameBase NewsLine, No. 1, April-June 1993, http://radiobergen.org/powergame/clinton.html <return>

[14]Quigley, Carroll (1910-1977), Tragedy and Hope - A History of the World In Our Time, Macmillan Company, New York, 1966, pg 950 <return>

[15]Larry Abraham, Call it Conspiracy, Double A. Publications, Seattle Washington, 1985, 92; Joseph Kraft (member of CFR), Harper's magazine July 1958; George J.A. O'Toole, Honorable Treachery, A History of US Intelligence, Espionage, and Covert Action from the American Revolution to the CIA, A Morgan Entrekin Book The Atlantic Monthly Press, New York (1991) pg 273; Brandt, Daniel, Clinton, Quigley, and Conspiracy: What's going on here?Public Information Research, April 1993, Inc.Blythe Systems,339 Lafayette St., New York, NY 10012 Voice telephone: (212) 979-0471; <return>

[16]Quigley, Carroll (1910-1977), The Anglo-American Establishment, From Rhodes to Cliveden, 1981, Books In Focus, NY, NY pg. 3 [ Quigley footnotes this information to W. T. Stead, The Last Will and Testament of Cecil Rhodes (London, 1902); Sir Francis Wylie's three articles in the American Oxonian (April 1944), XXXI, 65-69; (July 1944), XXXI, 129-138; and (January 1945), XXXII, 1-11; F. Aydelotte, The American Rhodes Scholars (Princeton, 1946); and the biographies and memoirs of the men mentioned. <return>

[17]Quigley, Carroll (1910-1977), The Anglo-American Establishment, From Rhodes to Cliveden, 1981, Books In Focus, NY, NY pg.49 [ Quigley footnotes Cecil Headlam, ed., The Milner Papers, 1897-1905 (2 vols. London, 1931-1933), II, 412-413; the unpublished material is at New College, Oxford, in Milner papers, XXXVIII, ii, 200] <return>

[18]Quigley, Carroll (1910-1977), The Anglo-American Establishment, From Rhodes to Cliveden, 1981, Books In Focus, NY, NY pgs 4-5 <return>

[19]Dictionary of American Biography, Supplement Ten, Charles Scribner's Sons, New York, 1981, pg. 432 <return>

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