|THE INTERNATIONAL JEW
|Foreword. Editor's Foreword
|The Man. Henry Ford -- The Man
|Chapter 1. Jewish History in the United States
|Chapter 2. Angles of Jewish Influence
|Chapter 3. Victims, or Persecutors?
|Chapter 4. Are the Jews a Nation?
|Chapter 5. The Jewish Political Program
|Chapter 6. An Introduction to the "Jewish Protocols"
|Chapter 7. How the Jews Use Power
|Chapter 8. Jewish Influence in American Politics
|Chapter 9. Bolshevism and Zionism
|Chapter 10. Jewish Supremacy in the Theatre and Cinema
|Chapter 11. Jewish Jazz Becomes our National Music
|Chapter 12. Liquor, Gambling, Vice and Corruption
|Chapter 13. The World's Foremost Problem
|Chapter 14. The High and Low of Jewish Money Power
|Chapter 15. The Battle for Press Control
|Chapter 16. The State of All-Judaan
IN an interview published in the New York World February 17, 1921, Mr. Henry Ford put the case for the "Protocols of Zion" tersely and convincingly. He said: "The only statement I care to make about the Protocols is that they fit in with what is going on. They are sixteen years old and they have fitted the world situation up to this time. They fit it now." He made this statement when Jewish leaders and the Jewish Press in America were fulminating against a series of articles printed in Ford's newspaper The Dearborn Independent during the years 1920 to 1922. After some years of pressure such as only organized Jewry can conceive or inflict, Henry Ford was made to apologise to Jewry in a letter addressed to Louis Marshall, then leader of the American Jewish Committee, dated June 30, 1927. Ford's apology was abject, but neither then nor since did he ever deny the truth of the articles.
As clearly as the "Protocols of the Learned Elders of Zion" reveal a concerted plan of action, of intention and achievement, through centuries of world history, so the long series of articles in The Dearborn Independent expose the powerful concentration of forces organized by Jewish interests and the effects of Jewish influences in the United States from the time of the Civil War up to the uneasy years following the first world war. The scope of the original articles is wide, the analysis of the relentless march of Jewish ambition and the rapid acquisition of political power is deep and dispassionate. In their entirety they present a most thorough exposition of the range of Jewish influences in America over many decades; they provide adequate evidence of the motives that inspire such phenomena and the ultimate objective towards which Jewish policy is leading the world. In the 29 years that have passed since the publication of the series began, Jewish power in the United States has developed to a degree far out-distancing even the alarming proportions exposed at that time.
The Jewish "National State" of which we have heard so much deceptive talk elsewhere is already firmly established. De jure and de facto the United States of America can claim that title, though many American citizens may even yet be astonished and no doubt indignant to read the statement.
But, examine the FACTS. The Dearborn Independent articles fitted the American scene 30 years ago, they fit it now! The Jewish Question continues to mount the scale of public attention all over the civilized world, attracting ever a higher type of mind to the discussion of its significance. It cannot be encompassed within the range of a single volume.
This edited version seeks merely to give the gist of the four volumes in which the famous series of articles were printed under the title: THE INTERNATIONAL JEW. Presenting the essential facts in easier sequence and condensed to about one-tenth of the original wordage, many contemporary illustrations have been eliminated, but the implications of the Jewish Question in America and the evidence of the impact of the Jewish Idea on the lives of ordinary American citizens have been marshalled in a form readily assimilable by new readers, providing a useful digest for the informed. The way to a just solution of "the world's foremost problem" is clearly indicated.
Truth is visible when honest men seek Her diligently. The reader, wherever he may be, to whatever nation he may belong, should seriously reflect upon the fact that the conditions long-operating in the United States and the conclusions which emerge from this investigation of the Jewish Question in that powerful country, can, in all probability, now be paralleled in his own land, his own city. If he should seek confirmation -- let him look around.
G. F. Green.
London, February, 1948.
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HENRY FORD was born on July 30, 1863, during the American Civil War, on a farm at Dearborn, near Detroit, Michigan. He was the son of William Ford, a prosperous farmer who was of Irish stock. His mother was of mixed Dutch and Scandinavian origin. At 17 he became an apprentice in a machine shop in Detroit, and he also kept a machine shop of his own and worked for a harvester company by repairing their portable farm engines. His mechanical genius showed itself in early youth, and in 1890, when he secured a post with the Detroit Edison Electric Company, he realized that the public were more interested in road vehicles than in tractors and he studied the principles of the gas engine to overcome the weight of steam engines. In 1887 he had built his first gas engine and kept on building more. His first gasoline "buggy" was given a public trial in 1893 at which it attained a speed of 25 miles an hour.
In 1903 he formed the Ford Motor Company with 12 shareholders and a capital of 100,000 dollars. In 1924 he was producing one thousand of the world-famous Ford motor-cars a day. In 1924 the annual production of the Ford works reached the towering peak of two million cars, trucks and tractors. The secret of his success lay in mass production methods, and high wages. Of humble origin himself he had a deep feeling for his employees, and worked out rough and ready principles in regard to labour which he constantly applied. One was to pay the highest possible wages, and in this he was a true reformer; another, to accept applicants for work without questions or references. Many European socialists were impressed by Ford's proof demonstration that Marx had been rendered obsolete by Ford and that capitalism could be rationalized and moralized. In 1918, Ford, who had been a supporter of President Wilson, had unsuccessfully run for the Senate, and there was some talk later -- it caused alarm among the professional politicians -- that he would run for the Presidency, but he announced that he would not stand against Coolidge. Ford made great endeavours, most of them impracticable, to negotiate peace between the warring nations of Europe in the first world war.
In 1920 he went into print and bought "The Dearborn Independent," a virile and very independent journal published in his home town. It was noted for its courageous and continuous examination of the Jewish Question in America, and for its objective views on true Americanism.
Ford was accused by many Jews, along with Deterding and Greuger, to be a financial backer of the Hitler movement in Germany. At the Nuremberg Tribunal, Baldur Von Shirach, Hitler Youth Leader, said he had become "Jew-wise" through reading Ford's books.
Ford was a resolute opponent of Roosevelt's policy of "controls" in industry and commerce, but in his later years his political and other public activities were few. He died aged 83, at Detroit, April 7, 1947. A famous American and one of the world's outstanding individuals.
In his book "My Life and Work," published in 1922, Henry Ford includes the following concerning the "International Jew" series of articles: "The work which we describe as Studies in the Jewish Question, and which is variously described by antagonists as "the Jewish campaign," "the attack on the Jews," "the anti-Semitic pogrom," and so forth, needs no explanation to those who have followed it. Its motives and purposes must be judged by the work itself. It is offered as a contribution to a question which deeply affects the country, a question which is racial at its source, and which concerns influences and ideals rather than persons. Our statements must be judged by candid readers who are intelligent enough to lay our words alongside life as they are able to observe it. If our word and their observation agree, the case is made. It is perfectly silly to begin to damn us before it has been shown that our statements are baseless or reckless. The first item to be considered is the truth of what we have set forth. And that is precisely the item which our critics choose to evade. Readers of our articles will see at once that we are not actuated by any kind of prejudice, except it may be a prejudice in favour of the principles which have made our civilization.
There had been observed in this country certain streams of influence which were causing a marked deterioration in our literature, amusements, and social conduct; business was departing from its old-time substantial soundness; a general letting-down of standards was felt everywhere. It was not the robust coarseness of the white man, the rude indelicacy, say, of Shakespeare's characters, but a nasty Orientalism which has insidiously affected every channel of expression -- and to such an extent that it was time to challenge it. The fact that these influences are all traceable to one racial source is a fact to be reckoned with . . . Our work does not pretend to say that last word on the Jew in America. It says only the word which describes his present impress on that country. When that impress is changed, the report of it can be changed . . . Our opposition is only to ideas, false ideas . . . which are sapping the moral stamina of the people. These ideas proceed from easily identified sources, they are promulgated by easily discoverable methods and they are controlled by mere exposure.
When people learn to identify the source and nature of these influences swirling around them, it is sufficient. Let the American people once understand that it is not natural degeneracy but calculated subversion that inflicts us, and they are safe. The explanation is the cure. This work was taken up without personal motives. When it reached a stage where we believed the American people could grasp the key, we let it rest for the time. Our enemies say that we began it for revenge and that we laid it down in fear. Time will show that our critics are merely dealing in evasion because they dare not tackle the main question."